WAR AND WARFARE IN LATE ANTIQUITY EDITED BY ALEXANDER SARANTIS and NEIL CHRISTIE LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 CONTENTS VOLUME 8.1 Acknowledgements ........................................................................................ List of Contributors ........................................................................................ Foreword ........................................................................................................... Alexander Sarantis and Neil Christie ix xi xvii Waging War in Late Antiquity .................................................................... Alexander Sarantis 1 Bibliographic Essays War in Late Antiquity: Secondary Works, Literary Sources and Material Evidence ...................................................................................... Conor Whately 101 Military Equipment and Weaponry: A Bibliographic Essay .............. Alexander Sarantis 153 Tactics: A Bibliographic Essay .................................................................... Alexander Sarantis 177 Organisation and Life in the Late Roman Military: A Bibliographic Essay ............................................................................... Conor Whately 209 Strategy, Diplomacy and Frontiers: A Bibliographic Essay ................ Conor Whately 239 Fortiijications in the West: A Bibliographic Essay ................................. Alexander Sarantis with Neil Christie 255 Fortiijications in Africa: A Bibliography Essay ....................................... Alexander Sarantis 297 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 vi contents Fortiijications in the East: A Bibliographic Essay .................................. Alexander Sarantis 317 VOLUME 8.2 Strategy and Intelligence Information and War: Some Comments on Defensive Strategy and Information in the Middle Byzantine Period (ca. A.D. 660–1025) .................................................................................... John Haldon 373 Fortifications and Siege Warfare Fortiijications and the Late Roman East: From Urban Walls to Long Walls .............................................................................................. James Crow 397 Siege Warfare and Counter-Siege Tactics in Late Antiquity (ca. 250–640) ............................................................................................... Michael Whitby 433 Weaponry and Equipment Late Roman Military Equipment Culture ............................................... J. C. N. Coulston Barbarian Military Equipment and its Evolution in the Late Roman and Great Migration Periods (3rd–5th c. A.D.) ................. Michel Kazanski Recreating the Late Roman Army ............................................................. John Conyard 463 493 523 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 contents vii Literary Sources and Topography Reporting Battles and Understanding Campaigns in Procopius and Agathias: Classicising Historians’ Use of Archived Documents as Sources .......................................................................................................... Ian Colvin Procopius on the Struggle for Dara in 530 and Rome in 537–38: Reconciling Texts and Landscapes ....................................................... Christopher Lillington-Martin Ammianus Marcellinus and the Nisibene Handover of A.D. 363 .... Susannah Belcher 571 599 631 The West Imperial Campaigns between Diocletian and Honorius, A.D. 284–423: the Rhine Frontier and the Western Provinces .... Hugh Elton The Archaeology of War and the 5th c. ‘Invasions’ .............................. Michael Kulikowski Controlling the Pyrenees: a Macaque’s Burial from Late Antique Iulia Libica (Llívia, La Cerdanya, Spain) ............................................. Oriol Olesti, Jordi Guàrdia, Marta Maragall, Oriol Mercadal, Jordi Galbany and Jordi Nadal 655 683 703 The Balkans The Archaeology of War: Homeland Security in the South-West Balkans (3rd–6th c. A.D.) ........................................................................ John Wilkes 735 Military Encounters and Diplomatic Affairs in the North Balkans during the Reigns of Anastasius and Justinian ................................. Alexander Sarantis 759 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 viii contents Horsemen in Forts or Peasants in Villages? Remarks on the Archaeology of Warfare in the 6th to 7th c. Balkans ..................... Florin Curta 809 The East Military Infrastructure in the Roman Provinces North and South of the Armenian Taurus in Late Antiquity ........................................ James Howard-Johnston 853 El-Lejjūn: Logistics and Localisation on Rome’s Eastern Frontier in the 6th c. A.D. ........................................................................................ Conor Whately 893 Civil War Wars within the Frontiers: Archaeologies of Rebellion, Revolt and Civil War ....................................................................................................... Neil Christie 927 The Justinianic Reconquest of Italy: Imperial Campaigns and Local Responses ......................................................................................... Maria Kouroumali 969 Abstracts in French ........................................................................................ 1001 Index ................................................................................................................... 1009 Series Information .......................................................................................... 1085 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 BARBARIAN MILITARY EQUIPMENT AND ITS EVOLUTION IN THE LATE ROMAN AND GREAT MIGRATION PERIODS (3RD–5TH C. A.D.) Michel Kazanski Abstract Military equipment and, as a consequence, types of combat underwent signiijicant changes between the 3rd and 6th c. A.D. The Germanic peoples’ and their neighbours’ weapons became more appropriate to rapid and close tactical manoeuvres in dispersed ranks. The spread of Germanic weapons within Roman territory and in the Pontic region indicates that the same tactics were employed by the Roman army’s barbarian troops and federates. A similar evolution occurred within the armies of the steppe peoples, including those ijighting for the empire. The Early Roman armoured cavalry was ijirst replaced by a lighter Alanic cavalry, and then by Hunnic mounted archers. Finally, the light Slavic infantry, with its ‘irregular’ guerrilla tactics, defeated the East Roman armies and conquered the Balkan Peninsula. During the Late Roman period, the Roman Empire faced two main groups of barbarian peoples across its European borders. The sedentary Germans in western and central Europe inhabited the region named ‘Germania’ by Roman authors. As well as Germanic peoples, this area included the Celts of the British and Thracian Isles, namely the Carpi. Meanwhile, the Iranian-speaking nomadic people of eastern and central Europe lived in an area named ‘Scythia’ or ‘Sarmatia’ by the ancient sources. The Sarmatians lived on the Hungarian plains, while the Alans inhabited the PontoCaucasian steppes. All the nomads living between the Danube and the Caucasus around the 4th c. A.D. were referred to as Alans. Lastly, during the reign of Justinian (ca. 527–65), the empire was forced to confront a third civilisation: an eastern European forest-dwelling people named the Slavs. These three groups had clearly distinctive ijighting styles and military equipment. The peoples of Germania were infantrymen, armed predominantly with spears and shields (ijigs. 1–3).1 The geographical distribution of shields with bosses, and spurs, is particularly signiijicant. These two 1 Raddatz (1985). A. Sarantis, N. Christie (edd.) War and Warfare in Late Antiquity: Current Perspectives (Late Antique Archaeology 8.1–8.2 – 2010–11) (Leiden 2013), pp. 493–521 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 494 michel kazanski features were characteristic of the Germanic and Celtic peoples of western and central Europe, before spreading into the West during the Roman period. The latter development only affected populations undergoing western military influence, such as the Balts (ijig. 4) and the Baltic Finns.2 The steppe people, on the other hand, were exclusively horsemen. They did not carry shields, but were often armoured, at least during the ijirst two centuries of our era.3 As for the Slavs, they mostly employed a light infantry, armed with javelins and bows. They clearly preferred guerrilla tactics to all other forms of combat.4 Ancient authors used such military ijighting styles as ethnographic markers. It was on this basis that Tacitus, in the 1st c. A.D., classiijied the Veneti (the Slavs’ ancestors living on Germania’s eastern border) as a Germanic people. The Veneti were swift like the Sarmatians and yet fought on foot with shields like the Germans.5 The Germanic Zone It is possible to distinguish three zones of barbarian weapon distribution during the Late Roman period from the archaeological evidence. The ijirst zone comprises Germania, with the Baltic territories of the Baltic and Finnish peoples, and the Black Sea’s northern and eastern coastal areas which were populated by sedentary barbarians. Weapon ijinds in male tombs demonstrate these barbarians’ high level of militarisation. These weapons can regularly be associated with the Przeworsk culture in Poland (see ijigs. 1 and 2), and with Scandinavian peoples during the Late Roman period.6 There are exceptions to the rule, however: Černjahov tombs north of the Danube and the Black Sea, which belonged to the Goths and their allies, only rarely contain weapons (e.g. ijig. 3).7 This is despite the fact that the Goths, one of the main groups living in these regions, were the empire’s most belligerent neighbours. The importance of war for these barbarian peoples is nevertheless conijirmed by the discovery in northern 2 3 4 5 6 7 Shchukin (1994). Hazanov (1971); Nefedkin (2004). Kazanski (1999). Tac. Germ. 66. Raddatz (1985); Godlowski (1992) and (1994); Ilkjaer (1990). See Kokowski (1993); Shchukin et al. (2006) 38–51. © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 495 Fig. 1 The evolution of military equipment within the Przeworsk culture, periods C1a-C1b (160/80–250/70 A.D.). 1: Czarnocin; 2,3: Dziedzice; 4,11: Opatów; 5–8: Chorula; 9: Specymierz; 10: Cząstkowice. (Godlowski 1992). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 496 michel kazanski Fig. 2 The evolution of military equipment within the Przeworsk culture, periods C2–D1 (250/60–400/410 A.D.). 1: Specymierz; 2,7: Opatów; 3–5: Źabieniec; 6: Komorów; 8: Korzeń; 9,10,12: Dobordzień; 11: Nowa Wieś Legnicka. (Godlowski 1992). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 497 Fig. 3 Some tombs of the Černjahov culture. 1: Mogoşani, tomb 15; 2: Tîrgşor, tomb 147; 3: Belen’koe, tomb 6; 4: Oselivka, tomb 70. Scales—a: 1,2; b: 3,4,6,8,11,12; c: 5–7,9,10; d: 14–17; e: 28–34; f: 19–21; g: 22–27. (Shchukin et al. 2006). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 498 michel kazanski Fig. 4 Evolution of the military equipment of the eastern Balts’ civilisation. A: period C1a (160/80–210/30 A.D.); B: periods C1a late–C1b (200–250/70 A.D.); C: periods C1b–C3 (220/30–350/70 A.D.); D: periods C3–D1 (300/320–400/410 A.D.). (Godlowski 1994). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 499 Europe of the sacriijicial deposition of weapons in peat bogs, including Illerup, Thorsberg (e.g. ijigs. 5 and 6) and Ejsbøl.8 Archaeological funerary evidence, conijirming information provided by written sources, shows that the majority of Germanic infantrymen carried spears and shields during the Late Roman and earlier periods. In fact, barbarian infantrymen during the Roman period resemble those of even earlier periods (the La Tène period, during the last centuries B.C.), but with lighter equipment. Their spears, numerous of which have been found in funerary and sacriijicial contexts, are generally “en feuille” (leaf-shaped) (e.g. ijigs. 3.2, 19).9 For instance, a series of relatively narrow leaf-shaped spearheads Fig. 5 Shields from Thorsberg. (Raddatz 1987). 8 Von Carnap-Bornheim and Ilkjær (1990–1996); Raddatz (1987); Ørsnes (1988). 9 For example, Kaczaowski (1995); Ilkjaer (1990). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 500 michel kazanski Fig. 6 Coat of mail from Thorsberg. (Raddatz 1987). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 501 have been identiijied in areas occupied by the Balts10 (ijig. 2.7).11 Slender spears—effectively pikes—also appear (ijig. 2.8) in Late Roman Scandinavia and central Europe.12 These spearheads mostly have two brackets, but in a minority of cases only possess one. The shields of ‘Germanic’ groups were circular and made of wood (ijig. 5). They were smaller than those dating from the La Tène period and had a metallic boss with a circular cap (see examples ijigs. 1–5).13 Older bosses with semi-circular caps, dating back to the Early Roman Empire (ijigs. 1.7, 4.8), are reminiscent of Roman shield bosses which were used to deflect missile weapons. These declined in number during the 3rd c. A.D. Instead, conical and pointed bosses, which already existed during the Early Roman period, became more prevalent during the Late Roman period.14 Some bosses possessed a needle (ijigs. 1.1,2, 4.1,2) which was designed for use during hand-to-hand ijighting, when the sufijiciently light and easily manageable shield could be used to push away or strike an enemy. Shield handles were made of iron, with fan-shaped ends (ijigs. 1.3,6,9, 2.4,5, 3.6,16). Asymmetrical axes with narrow bodies and simple edges were particularly common during the Late Roman period. Numerous axes have been found in the tombs of Germanic groups in western ‘Germania’ and further east in the Elbe region. They have also been attested elsewhere, in eastern and northern Germanic contexts.15 West German axes were sometimes slightly curved, preijiguring the Merovingian ‘francisca’, while east German axes were mostly straight-bodied. It may thus be concluded that in this period, axes, along with spears and shields, made up the kit of the average Germanic infantry warrior. Third to 5th c. A.D. swords were longer than those of the Early Roman Empire (ijigs. 1.10,11, 2.6,10, 3.20, 4.11,17)16 and have more in common with those used during the La Tène period. A considerable proportion of sword ijinds are of Roman origin, something shown, for instance, by peat bog discoveries. The distribution of long swords indicates that they were used during dispersed combat rather than in tightly-formed ranks. During the 5th c., swords with solid iron hilts which derived from eastern Europe 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 For example, Engelhardt (1867) pl. 2.5. Compare this with Kazakevičius (1988) 41. Notably Ilkjaer (1990) 79–85, 167–69. Zieling (1989). For the chronology, see: Godlowski (1992) and (1994); Ilkjaer (1990) 257–333. Kieferling (1994). Biborski (1978). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 502 michel kazanski became prominent among Germanic groups in the Danube area, and in smaller quantities in the West.17 Some swords designed for ceremonial use with rich cloisonné decoration and dating to the same century have been found in barbarian contexts (Beja).18 It is also interesting to note that swords, ijinds of which are fairly widespread in Germanic areas, are comparatively rare in the Balto-Finnish and Baltic zones (however, see ijigs. 4.11,17),19 even though other elements of ‘Germanic’ infantry kit have been found there.20 Archaeologists have tended to think that this is reflective of reality given that swords are also completely absent from non funerary contexts in the Balto-Finnish area. Daggers with relatively long single-edged blades were also an important part of Germanic military equipment, especially among Scandinavian Germans (e.g. Ejsbøl).21 By contrast, large cutlasses, typical of Germanic equipment during the Early Roman period, disappeared in around the 2nd c. Comparable daggers appeared among the Balts during the Great Migration period.22 Archery equipment was also used by the Germans during the Late Roman period, even though only arrow heads have been found in funerary contexts. The reinforced bow with bone plaques was used by the Roman army, but remains archaeologically unknown among ijinds of sedentary barbarian groups prior to the 5th c. However, a series of discoveries in the tombs of military chiefs (Blučina, Esslingen-Rüdern, Singidumnum IV)23 demonstrate the diffusion of reinforced bows in Germanic contexts during the 5th c. Numerous types of double-hooked barbed arrows typically used by Germanic groups were common. From the era of the Great Migrations onwards, nomadic arrows, which were large and had three ijins, appeared in barbarian archers’ kits in Europe.24 Other types of weapon appear in funerary contexts, but are rarer. Seaxes and broadswords, in other words, oriental, single-edged weapons with short or long blades, which were, in my view, Byzantine, initially show up in ‘princely’ contexts in Germanic tombs dating to the Great Migration period. Examples include discoveries in the western tombs of 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Menghin (1994–95) 165–75. Menghin (1983) ijig. 47; Kazanski (2001) ijig. 4.7–12. Nowakowski (1994). See, in particular, Kazakevičius (1988). Ørsnes (1988) pl. 109. Kazakevičius (1988) 99–114. Tihelka (1963) 488–89; Christlein (1972) 261–62. Kazanski (1991) 135–36; Tejral (2003) 506–507. © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 503 Altlussheim, Tournai (the Tomb of Childeric) and Pouan.25 These weapons were common among Germanic peoples living in the Danube area in the Hunnic period.26 Changes in the shape of shield bosses and swords and the distribution of axes and seaxes demonstrate the growing role of hand-to-hand combat during the Late Roman and Great Migration period. The appearance of fortiijied bows and ‘nomadic’ arrowheads is undoubtedly tied to the military influence of nomadic steppe peoples. Defensive equipment, with the exception of shields, was rare, and undoubtedly reserved for the ruling classes. This equipment, fragments of which were discovered in tombs, consisted of scale and lamellar armour and chain mail. The best preserved examples of Late Roman chain mail come from sacriijicial contexts in Scandinavian or southern peat bogs (ijig. 6). Helmets of Roman origin are exceptional discoveries. Of interest here are helmets from Scandinavian sacriijicial sites,27 as well as a helmet of Roman origin, dating to the beginning of the 5th c., from the tomb of a chief, probably a Goth, at Conceşti in Romania.28 There were no major changes in cavalry equipment among Germanic groups in the Late Roman period. Spurs, which initially consisted of a short plaque with a large needle (e.g. ijig. 4.5), became progressively more arched with a smaller needle (e.g. ijigs. 4.13,14,21).29 Horse bits comprised a jointed mouthpiece with two rings, or stems, for ijixing the bridle. Cavalry was, in fact, relatively unimportant to the sedentary barbarians of Europe: only chiefs and their personal guards had horses available to them. In spite of this, mounted troops did become more common in Germanic armies across the period. The important role played by the Gothic cavalry in the Battle of Adrianople is of course well known. According to Procopius of Caesarea, in the 6th c., Gothic cavalrymen were mostly lancers, who were, incidentally, rather ineffective when faced by Byzantine mounted archers.30 It is sometimes argued that the Alans had an important influence on the evolution of eastern Germanic cavalry, although this has never been proved conclusively. Germanic warrior elites are only attested in funerary contexts from the 2nd c. One of the earliest examples is the exceptionally rich, ‘princely’ 25 26 27 28 29 30 Kazanski (1991) 132–34. Tejral (2003) 503–506. Raddatz (1987) pl. 86–91. Skalon (1973). For this evolution, see: Giesler (1978); Godlowski (1995). Procop. Pers. 1.27.26–29. © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 504 michel kazanski tomb of Mušov in southern Moravia, which yielded weapons and spurs— an indication of the militarised nature of social power among the Germans during this period. Later on, the 3rd c. tombs of the Hassleben-Leuna chiefs contained silver arrows and spurs. In contrast, tombs of Germanic military chiefs were rare in the 4th c. A notable exception is provided by the high-status grave at Beroun-Závodi, modern Czech Republic, which yielded many weapons, including a copy of a bronze sword.31 Finally, in the 5th c., the practice of burying military chiefs with only their ceremonial sword became widespread among the Germans in the Danube area. This was undoubtedly the influence of steppe peoples (e.g. Lengyeltóti, Lébény, Neštin: ijig. 7). Swords were sometimes supplemented by seaxes (Tomb 3 of Vienna-Leopoldau, Szyrmabesenyő) and occasionally by bows and arrows (Blučina, Singidunum-IV). These tombs also yielded belt- and scabbard-ijittings of which some elements had cloisonné decoration (ijigs. 7.6,15,30–33), very much in fashion among 5th c. barbarians.32 Western and northern Germanic elite warrior tombs, such as Childeric’s, contained panoplies of arms in which the sword played a signiijicant role, preijiguring the funerary practices of military chiefs at the beginning of the Merovingian period.33 Judging from archaeological discoveries in Gaul,34 it is worth noting that the Roman army’s military equipment bore similarities to that discovered in contexts within ‘Barbaricum’. One may consequently conclude that West Roman armies, largely made up of German soldiers, adopted the same tactics as the barbarians on the other side of the frontier. It is difijicult to understand how barbarian or Roman soldiers, being used to a particular model of warfare, could have changed their way of ijighting as soon as they were compelled to ijight together in the Roman army. Whatever the case, military equipment found in northern Gallic tombs is closely comparable with that found in ‘Germania’. Moving away from Europe to the Black Sea, the military equipment of sedentary Pontic groups was strongly influenced by the martial culture of the steppe nomads during the Roman period. Thus, in the 2nd c., the heavy cavalry of the eastern Crimea and the Taman Peninsula (its capital at Pantikapaion, modern Kerch) made use of the Greek Cimmerian Bosporus spearhead in the manner of Sarmatian and Alan cataphracts. 31 32 33 34 Tejral (1999) ijig. 14. Kazanski (1999a). See the examples in Bianchini (2000). Böhme (1974) 97–114; Kazanski (1995). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 505 Fig. 7 Danubian tombs of military chiefs during the Great Migration period. 1–19: Lengyeltóti; 20–34: Lébény. Scales—a: 1–9; 13–16, 35; b: 2; c: 18; d: 17; 17; e: 21–23, 30,33; f: 22; g: 34. (Shchukin et al. 2006). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 506 michel kazanski Second to 3rd c. depictions on tombstones or in frescoes from funerary vaults depict horsemen—often cataphracts of Sarmatian or Iranian type— who are heavily armoured with long swords, armour, conical helmets and large spears. Their combat technique was also reminiscent of Iranian peoples: the evidence depicts confrontations between groups of heavily armoured horsemen supported by infantry detachments.35 Archaeological ijinds indicate that long spathae swords, daggers (those with notches near the handle as in ijig. 10.3),36 spears, and bows and arrows, constituted essential military equipment for peoples living north and east of the Black Sea during the Early Roman Empire. The presence in tombs of harness pieces (horse bits and harness trimmings) shows the importance of the cavalry. It should be recalled that during the Roman period, the kingdoms and peoples surrounding the Black Sea formed a network of imperial ‘clients’, providing, as it were, the ijirst line of defence for the ‘Pontic’ frontier of the empire.37 From the 2nd c. onwards, however, European military equipment progressively spread into the Pontic region, in other words, into the Crimea and areas along the east coast of the Black Sea.38 Julius Callisphenus’ tomb, discovered in the necropolis at Pantikapaion, and dated by its inscriptions to the ijirst half of the 2nd c., yielded a shield boss, which is an exceptional discovery for the pre-3rd c. Crimea.39 Its presence in the tomb suggests a Thracian military influence which auxiliary troops from Rome, then stationed at Chersonesus, spread to regions north of the Black Sea. Indeed, shield bosses in the Pontic region dating to this period are only attested in aristocratic Thracian tombs.40 It is, nevertheless, possible that the custom of shield deposition came from the Hellenised Roman West. In fact, a boss was found in a rich grave at Homs dating to the same period.41 The arrival of Germanic tribes north of the Black Sea during the migration of the Goths and their allies was marked by the diffusion of ‘northern’ weaponry types in the Crimea. Shield bosses and axes, and sometimes even spurs, are present in the burials of Iranian-speaking peoples living in south-west Crimea (sites of the Inkerman type), namely at Ozernoe, 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 Mielczarek (1999); Gorončarovskij (2003). Soupault (1996). Kazanaski (1991a). Kazanski (1994); Soupault (1995). Shchukin et al. (2006) ijig. 8. Kazanski (1994) 436. Kazanski (1994) ijig. 6.9. © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 507 Družnoe, Nejzac, Manguš, Skalistoe III and Sovhoz-10.42 Germanic military equipment—bossed shields, axes, spears of characteristic types—is well represented in necropolises of the Aj-Todor type on the Crimean south coast. These necropolises belonged to a Germanic group which came from the north.43 Bosses dating to the Late Roman and Great Migration periods are also attested in Cimmerian Bosporian necropolises: at Pantikapaion/Bosporus, particularly in aristocratic tombs, and at Starožilovo.44 Certain tombs at Bosporus yielded panoplies of prestigious weapons, in particular, richly decorated polychrome swords and golden bosses,45 as well as polychrome harness pieces.46 A series of bosses and spurs came to light at Tanaïs, the Greek city at the mouth of the River Don, which was a dependent of the Cimmerian Bosporus (ijig. 8). It is nevertheless possible that these weapons belonged to the barbarians who destroyed the city in the mid-3rd c.47 In Abkhazia, on the Caucasian coast of the Black Sea (where places such as Tsibilium, Šapka, Ačandra or Krasnaja Poljana are situated), necropolises belonging to client groups of the Roman Empire (Apsilii, Fig. 8 42 43 44 45 46 47 Shield boss and spear from Tanaïs. Plates a: 1–3; b: 4. (Shchukin et al. 2006). Kazanski (1994) annexe 2. Shchukin et al. (2006) 81–83. See, for example, Soupault (1995) pl. 4. For example, Soupault (1995) pl. 10.4.6.9. For example, Shchukin et al. (2006) ijigs. 82, 93 and 95. See the list in Kazanski (1994). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 508 michel kazanski Fig. 9 Military equipment from tomb 61 at Tsibilium-1. (Voronov and Šenkao 1982). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 509 Abasgians, Saniges) display a similar evolution in military equipment.48 While the spears and swords found in these graveyards were typical of the Early Roman period, from the 3rd c. onwards, characteristically Germanic shield bosses and axes started appearing in the funerary assemblages. An actual German presence in this area is extremely unlikely. It may thus be supposed that typically German weapons were diffused into these regions by ‘barbarised’ Roman army garrisons in the coastal fortresses of Sebastopolis (modern Soukhoumi) and Pitiunt (the modern city of Pitsunda). The distribution of three-ijinned ‘nomadic’ arrows demonstrates the concurrent military influence of the steppe peoples. East Roman elite military fashion provided a further influence. This is demonstrated by the presence of cloisonné-decorated Byzantine swords and seaxes in 5th to 6th c. Abkhaze tombs. Tomb 61 from the Tsibilium necropolis, dated towards the end of the 4th or ijirst half of the 5th c., is a good example of the mixture of these influences: in particular, it contains a Germanic bossed shield (ijig. 9.4) and an oriental dagger (ijig. 9.2) with four attachment points for a handle. Byzantine influence also reached the sedentary barbarians of the Black Sea’s north-east coast. The late 5th c. tombs of Tetraxite Gothic chieftains from the necropolis of Djurso, near the modern city of Novorossiïk, yielded ceremonial swords of Byzantine origin, as well as swords with sheet metal inlays which might indicate a Hunnic influence (see below).49 The Steppe Zone The second zone of weaponry distribution is the eastern part of Europe, the steppes of Scythia-Sarmatia. During the Roman period, Iranian speaking nomads—the Sarmatians and the Alans—dominated these areas. The Alans progressively imposed their name on all of the steppe tribes of the Late Roman period, only the Sarmatians of the Hungarian Plain retaining their original name. The presence of weapons in many of their tombs indicates that the Sarmatian and Alan peoples were highly militarised.50 Cavalry equipment was the basis of steppe military paraphernalia. The frequently-attested long and pointed sword, usually with an iron 48 Voronov and Senkao (1982); Soupault (1995). 49 Kazanski (2001). 50 Hazanov (1971); Nefedkin (2004). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 510 michel kazanski hilt and a long tang for ijixing the handle, is the sign of Iranian influence. Older swords dating to the 2nd c. possessed a ring-shaped pommel. These ‘nomadic’ swords were often accompanied by beads, which are frequently mistakenly named ‘magic pendants’ (as on ijig. 11.2). These were in fact either belt-scabbard attachments or sword-knot endings, in other words, straps for tying the sword handle to a hand. The swords just mentioned were carried ‘Iranian’ style, tied to the belt, and not in the West Roman style, attached to a shoulder strap. The princely tombs of Brut (Northern Caucasus) yielded examples of ceremonial swords, probably part of an eastern tradition, which had gold sheet scabbards and were decorated in a polychrome style.51 Byzantine swords with large hilts bearing cloisonné decoration were brought to light in the sedentary Alan sites of the central northern Caucasus (Mokraja Balka, Lermontovskaja Skala).52 Daggers are well-attested in funerary contexts. Most noteworthy are the ceremonial daggers from Brut (end of the 4th to ijirst half of the 5th c.), which have iron hilts, cloisonné style decoration and gold sheet scabbards. The tombs of settled northern Caucasian Alans have also yielded daggers with gold and silver sheet scabbards decorated in scale.53 While ijinds of spears (ijig. 10.2) are rare, missile weapons for ijighting at a distance played a dominant role in nomadic military equipment culture. Arrow heads usually had three ijins, serving to increase the size of the wound they inflicted, and bows were reinforced with bone. Other types of offensive weaponry are rare. Defensive equipment is particularly typical of the ijirst three centuries of our era, as shown by the tombs of Kouban (Gorodskoj, Zolotoe Kladbišče). Helmets with lamellar, scale armour and chain mail were abundant, although bossed shields were extremely rare. However, this type of kit became much rarer in the 3rd to 4th c. according to tombs dating from this period. One exception is the lamellar helmet of Roman origin found in the grave of Kišpek in the northern Caucasus. This dates approximately to A.D. 300. Iconographic parallels to this helmet are depicted on the Arch of Galerius in Thessalonica, which is of A.D. 298.54 Cavalry equipment from tombs includes horse bits with jointed mouthpieces, bridal rings and harness trimmings (ijigs. 10.5–7). Those dating to 51 52 53 54 Gabuev (2000) and (2005) 33–42. Kazanski (2001). For example, Atabiev (2000). Kazanski (1995a) 193. © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment Fig. 10 511 Military equipment and cavalry equipment from the tomb at Kišpek. (Kazanski 1995a). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 512 michel kazanski the Late Roman era present the sort of polychrome decoration typical of the period (ijigs. 10.5,6).55 Spurs are completely absent from steppe contexts. Great Migration period harness trimmings bore cloisonné decoration, as shown by the ijinds from Brut.56 The same tombs at Brut also yielded examples of horse whips. Finally, the Alanic tomb of the Hunnic period at Lermontovskaja Skala contained among its furnishings metal saddle ijittings, proof that the Alans used hard saddles. Funerary contexts generally impart the impression that Late Roman Alan cavalry was lighter than that of the earlier period. The cataphracts, heavy shock cavalry, which are attested in both written and archaeological sources for the two ijirst centuries of our era, disappeared towards the 3rd c. and were replaced by faster mounted troops. For the latter, combat at a distance became increasingly characteristic and thus preijigured the appearance of the Hunnic cavalry. High levels of political stratiijication in the nomadic world can be observed throughout the Roman period: 1st c. ‘princely’ tombs from Porogi (Ukraine) and Dači (in the Don region), and Late Roman ijinds at Aerodrom (the Don region) and Kišpek (North Caucasus, ijig. 10), are particularly noteworthy.57 The discovery of the ‘princely’ tumuli at Brut in Northern Ossetia, alongside the tombs of sedentary Alan military chieftains in the central Caucasus (Mokraja Balka, Lermontovskaja Skala, Zaragiž) provides further evidence for the elite military culture of the Hunnic period.58 The appearance of the Huns in Europe marks the end of Antiquity and the beginning of the Middle Ages. Swift and agile on their steppe horses, the Huns were unpredictable and formidable archers who fought within tightly organised military units. These steppe cavalrymen’s mobility and superiority in numbers during decisive battles were the reasons for their military success. Only states such as China, Iran and Russia, which possessed professional armies and a developed system of fortiijications, were able to withstand them. The Russians, moreover, only conquered the nomadic world in the 16th c., and this was down to the advent of ijire-arms. The monstrous ‘Tzar Pushka’, ‘the King of Canons’, is today proudly commemorated at the Kremlin. This 39-tonne bronze cannon, dating to the time of Ivan the Terrible, symbolises the beginning of the nomadic world’s 55 56 57 58 Malašev (2000). Gabuev (2000) and (2005) 33–42. Kazanski (1995a). Gabuev (2000) and (2005) 33–42; Atabiev (2000). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 513 decline. With the power of ijire-arms, the Russians conquered the steppes in their vast entirety, from Kazan’s ramparts on the Volga, crushed on 2nd October 1552, to the ramparts of Geok-Tepe in Turkmenistan, conquered on 12th January 1881. The Mongolian cavalry’s quick-march to Beijing on 10th August 1945—admittedly flanked by the Soviet army’s armoured tanks—was the last episode in the long history of the steppe warriors. The offensive component of the Hunnic army consisted of horsemen, each of whom was supplied with two horses in accordance with steppe traditions. Their main weapons were the reinforced bow, and arrows with large heads and three ijins (ijigs. 3, 9, 10). The shape of certain arrows was characteristic of central Asian styles (ijig. 11.10). When ijired from a fortiijied bow, this type of arrow could split a plank of wood at 30 m. In combat, a steppe warrior would have been equipped with at least one, if not two, quivers containing 20 to 30 arrows. Every arrow was precious, and Hunnic warriors would not ijire them wastefully. Hunnic offensive manoeuvres were quick and numerous, enveloping enemy flanks and attacking them by surprise from behind. The Huns only ever engaged in direct hand-tohand combat when in pursuit of a routed enemy. Indeed, without stirrups, which only appeared in the steppes in the 6th c., these horsemen would have lacked the stability for close combat. Attila’s warriors thus preferred to use archery to annihilate their opponents at range. Long swords, discovered in Hunnic funerary contexts (ijig. 11.9), were used to cut down enemies who had been dispersed by arrow ijire. These swords sometimes possessed iron hilts (ijig. 11.5). Ceremonial swords, daggers bearing polychrome decoration, and scabbards covered with gold sheeting (ijigs. 11.1,8), are indicative of the rich military equipment culture of the tombs of military chiefs. Defensive equipment, especially chain mail (ijig. 11,7), is rare. Harnesses and riding equipment are often found in steppe tombs from the Hunnic period.59 They include horse bits with jointed mouthpieces, which have rings and stems for tying bridles (ijigs. 11.13,14). Hard wooden saddles, decorated with sheet metal appliqués have also been discovered (ijigs. 11.11,12). These saddles provided a stable seat for stirrup-less riders. Jordanes reports that during a difijicult moment in the Battle of the Catalaunian Plain in A.D. 451, Attila decided to commit suicide. He ordered his 59 Zaseckaja (1994); Anke (1998); Bona (2002); Nikonorov and Hudjakov (2004); Kazanski (2012). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 514 michel kazanski Fig. 11 Military equipment and Hunnic cavalry equipment. 1: Novo-Ivanovka; 2,4,5,8: Novogrigor’evka; 3,10: Kyzyl-Adyr; 6,14: Kubej; 7,9,13: Fedorovka; 11: Mundolsheim; 12: Pecsűszőg. (Zaseckaja 1994). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 515 men to gather all of their saddles to form an improvised funerary pyre.60 Even though Jordanes was writing his history at a later date, his testimony correlates archaeological evidence, which conijirms that cremation was a Hunnic funerary rite. The episode reinforces what we know from the archaeological evidence: that Hunnic saddles were made of wood. Stirrups are entirely absent from Hunnic archaeological sites, as in other nomadic contexts for that matter. Aside from soldiers who were, strictly speaking, Huns, Hunnic armies comprised troops donated by subordinate allies, notably Germanic infantry and Alan cavalry. These were sometimes numerous, as on Attila’s expedition to Gaul. Slavic Groups The third group of barbarian peoples under discussion—those of the forested areas of eastern Europe—appeared on the borders of the ancient world towards the beginning of the 6th c. They were the Slavs: the Sklaveni (who were the real Slavs) and their close kin, the Antae. The Slavs’ funerary practices did not include the deposition of weapons in tombs—archaeological data is thus conijined to the habitation sites of Slavic civilisations attested by the Prague (Sklaveni), Penkovka (Antae) and Koločin (unidentiijied group, related to those of the Penkovka civilisation) archaeological cultures. Other, more northern, forest-dwelling populations, known as the Tušemlja and the Long Kurgans, were either Slavic or Baltic or BaltoSlavonic. According to the archaeological evidence, light weapons—spearheads, javelin points and arrows—were commonly used by Slavic groups.61 This type of equipment suggests that they engaged in military actions that may be categorised as ‘guerrilla’ warfare, correlating Tacitus’ testimony regarding the 1st c. A.D. ancestors of the Slavs, the Veneti.62 Further, 6th c. authors on the Slavic military, such as Procopius and Maurice, characterised the Slavs ijirst and foremost as light infantrymen, well-adapted to commando style actions or to combat in forested and mountainous terrain. This type of warfare was ultimately rewarded because around 600–620 A.D., the Slavs—more or less under the aegis of the Avar Khagan—became masters of the Balkans following the collapse of the Byzantine defensive system. 60 Jord. Get. 213. 61 Kazanski (1999). 62 For weapons of the Veneti in Late Antiquity, see Kazanski (1997). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 516 michel kazanski The role of the Avars in the conquest of the Balkans was very important and frequently decisive. They had established their domination over the Danubian Slavs during the 570s. From the early 580s, Slavic invasions of the Balkans were in most cases perpetrated in co-ordination with Avar cavalry, and were often in fact initiated by the Avar Khagan. However, Avar involvement in the Slavicisation of the Balkans should not be exaggerated. From 540 to 550, before the Avars arrived in the Balkans, the Sklaveni had succeeded in devastating the Balkan provinces on numerous occasions. Further, the Sklaveni, who started settling permanently in the Balkans from the 580s, were not entirely subordinate to the Avars. For example, in 618, the Slavic tribes living around Thessalonica proposed a military alliance to the Avar Khagan, effectively submitting to him, in order to attack Thessalonica.63 This proves that these tribes had previously been independent of the Avars. Returning to the Slavs’ military equipment and mode of warfare, we also have written evidence for cavalrymen among the Slavs, who, according to Procopius, were incorporated by the same Byzantine troop units as the Huns, in other words, units of mounted archers.64 The discovery of steppe-type three-ijinned arrows (ijigs. 12.1–14,16–20) and fragments of a reinforced bow (ijig. 12.15) at Hitcy, in a building associated with the Penkovka culture, conijirms the evidence of Byzantine authors for Slavic cavalry. Of the other pieces of material evidence suggesting steppe military influence on the Slavs, it is worth mentioning a solid iron dagger hilt from the territory of Velyki Budki (ijig. 12.21), and some bone-harnessing rings characteristic of nomadic groups (ijigs. 12.22–24). All of this conijirms, therefore, a signiijicant steppe nomadic influence on Slavic military equipment. Byzantine authors (Procopius and Menander) discuss the military role of Slavic chieftains. The diffusion among Slavic groups of prestigious Byzantine military belts reinforces the literary evidence for the existence of these military elites. For instance, Matynovka’s ‘princely’ treasure contained silver belt ijittings.65 The majority of objects of this type brought to light at Slavic sites were made of bronze, however. 63 Jord. Get. 213. 64 Kazanski (2009). 65 Pekarskaja and Kidd (1994) pl. 31–35. This has sometimes been wrongly attributed to steppe nomadic groups despite the fact that the treasure clearly contains no steppe-type object and is situated in the middle of the Slavic Penkova culture. © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 barbarian military equipment 517 Fig. 12 Pieces of Slavic military and cavalry equipment of nomadic steppe origin (5th to 8th c.). 1: Kolodeznyj Bugor; 2: Hohlov Vir; 3: Tajamnova; 4: Pesčanoe; 5: Dem’janka; 6: Hotomel’; 7: Raškov; 8: Dresden-Schtezsch; 9, 12: Izvoare-Bahia; 10, 14, 19: Davideni-Neamţ; 11: Sarata-Monteoru; 13: Hutor Miklaševskij; 15: Hitcy; 16: Tarancevo; 17: Novye Bratušany; 18: Ostrov Kyzlevyj; 20: Trebu-ženy; 21: Velyki Budki; 22: Vološskoe-Surskaja Zabora; 23: Klementoviči; 24: Selište. (Kazanski 1999). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8 518 michel kazanski Concluding Remarks It can thus be noted that barbarian military equipment, and consequently modes of combat, underwent notable changes between the 3rd and 6th c A.D. Germanic peoples’ weapons and those of their neighbours became more appropriate to rapid and close combat in dispersed ranks. The distribution of Germanic-type weapons in the Pontic region and in Roman territory demonstrates that the same tactics were adopted by the barbarised Roman army and federate, or allied, groups. A similar evolution occurred among steppe nomadic groups. The heavily-armoured lancers of the Early Roman period were replaced by ijirst a light Alan cavalry and then by Hunnic mounted archers. Finally, the Slavic light infantry, ijighting in dispersed ranks in a ‘guerilla’ mode of warfare, defeated the armies of the eastern Empire and conquered the Balkan Peninsula. Bibliography Primary Sources Jord. 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List of Figures Fig. 1 The evolution of military equipment within the Przeworsk culture, periods C1a-C1b (160/80–250/70 A.D.). 1: Czarnocin; 2,3: Dziedzice; 4,11: Opatów; 5–8: Chorula; 9: Specymierz; 10: Cząstkowice. (Godlowski 1992). Fig. 2 The evolution of military equipment within the Przeworsk culture, periods C2–D1 (250/60–400/410 A.D.). 1: Specymierz; 2,7: Opatów; 3–5: Źabieniec; 6: Komorów; 8: Korzeń; 9,10,12: Dobordzień; 11: Nowa Wieś Legnicka. (Godlowski 1992). Fig. 3 Some tombs of the Černjahov culture. 1: Mogoşani, tomb 15; 2: Tîrgşor, tomb 147; 3: Belen’koe, tomb 6; 4: Oselivka, tomb 70. Scales—a: 1,2; b: 3,4,6,8,11,12; c: 5–7,9,10; d: 14–17; e: 28–34; f: 19–21; g: 22–27. (Shchukin et al. 2006). Fig. 4 Evolution of the military equipment of the eastern Balts’ civilisation. A: period C1a (160/80–210/30 A.D.); B: periods C1a late–C1b (200–250/70 A.D.); C: periods C1b–C3 (220/30–350/70 A.D.); D: periods C3–D1 (300/320–400/410 A.D.). (Godlowski 1994). Fig. 5 Shields from Thorsberg. (Raddatz 1987). Fig. 6 Coat of mail from Thorsberg. (Raddatz 1987). Fig. 7 Danubian tombs of military chiefs during the Great Migration period. 1–19: Lengyeltóti; 20–34: Lébény. Scales—a: 1–9; 13–16, 35; b: 2; c: 18; d: 17; 17; e: 21–23, 30,33; f: 22; g: 34. (Shchukin et al. 2006). Fig. 8 Shield boss and spear from Tanaïs. Plates a: 1–3; b: 4. (Shchukin et al. 2006). Fig. 9 Military equipment from tomb 61 at Tsibilium-1. (Voronov and Šenkao 1982). Fig. 10 Military equipment and cavalry equipment from the tomb at Kišpek. (Kazanski 1995a). Fig. 11 Military equipment and Hunnic cavalry equipment. 1: Novo-Ivanovka; 2,4,5,8: Novogrigor’evka; 3,10: Kyzyl-Adyr; 6,14: Kubej; 7,9,13: Fedorovka; 11: Mundolsheim; 12: Pecsűszőg. (Zaseckaja 1994). Fig. 12 Pieces of Slavic cavalry equipment of nomadic steppe origin (5th to 8th c.). 1: Kolodeznyj Bugor; 2: Hohlov Vir; 3: Tajamnova; 4: Pesčanoe; 5: Dem’janka; 6: Hotomel’; 7: Raškov; 8: Dresden-Schtezsch; 9, 12: Izvoare-Bahia; 10, 14, 19: Davideni-Neamţ; 11: Sarata-Monteoru; 13: Hutor Miklaševskij; 15: Hitcy; 16: Tarancevo; 17: Novye Bratušany; 18: Ostrov Kyzlevyj; 20: Trebuženy; 21: Velyki Budki; 22: Vološskoe-Surskaja Zabora; 23: Klementoviči; 24: Selište. (Kazanski 1999). © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25257-8